Το άρθρο είναι αφιερωμένο στους Έλληνες Πολιτικούς και αξίζει να το σηκώσουν όλα τα blogs. Αναδεικνύει το πόσο ΑΝΙΚΑΝΟΙ είναι και ότι δεν πρόκειται να μας βγάλουν ποτέ από το αδιέξοδο. Αναφέρεται στις περιπέτειες (από καρτέλ) του επιχειρηματία Δημήτρη Πολιτόπουλου που έχει εργοστάσιο μπύρας στην Κομοτηνή (Μπύρα «Βεργίνα).
What’s Broken in Greece? Ask an Entrepreneur
DEMETRI POLITOPOULOS says he has suffered countless indignities in his 12-year battle to build a microbrewery and wrest a sliver of the Greek beer market from the Dutch colossus, Heineken.
His tires have been slashed and his products vandalized by unknown parties, he says, and his brewery has received threatening phone calls. And he says he has had to endure regular taunts — you left Manhattan to start up a beer factory in northern Greece? — not to mention the pain of losing 5.3 million euros.
Bad as all that has been, nothing prepared him for this reality: He would be breaking the law if he tried to fulfill his latest — and, he thinks, greatest — entrepreneurial dream. It is to have his brewery produce and export bottles of a Snapple-like beverage made from herbal tea, which he is cultivating in the mountains that surround this lush pocket of the country.
An obscure edict requires that brewers in Greece produce beer — and nothing else. Mr. Politopoulos has spent the better part of the last year trying fruitlessly to persuade the Greek government to strike it. “It’s probably a law that goes back to King Otto,” said Mr. Politopoulos with a grim chuckle, referring to the Bavarian-born king of Greece who introduced beer to the country around 1850.
Sitting in his office, Mr. Politopoulos took a long pull from a glass of his premium Vergina wheat beer and said it was absurd that he had to lobby Greek politicians to repeal a 19th-century law so that he could deliver the exports that Greece urgently needed. And, he said, his predicament was even worse than that: it was emblematic of the web of restrictions, monopolies and other distortions that have made many Greek companies uncompetitive, and pushed the country close to bankruptcy.
“Why do you think no one is willing to invest in Greece?“ he asked. Greek leaders say they welcome business, he said, adding: “Yes, they are trying — but they have to back it up.”
For decades, Greece has been a wonderful place to be a lawyer, a pharmacist, an architect, a university president or even a truck driver— all occupations protected by an array of laws that have shielded them from local and foreign competitors. Greek pharmacists are guaranteed a minimum profit on their sales and charge some of the highest prices in Europe. And because they have fixed minimum fees, the 40,000 or so lawyers in Greece receive more for their time than their peers in many other European countries.
It has been very profitable to be a brewer in Greece, too — if you control 72 percent of the beer market, as Heineken now does.
The Greek economy is riddled with distortions — the number of trucking licenses has remained unchanged in Greece since 1971, for example, and the country is among the world’s leaders in lawyers per capita. It has one lawyer for every 250 people, compared with about one for 272 in the United States.
The effect on Greek competitiveness could not be more pernicious.
The cost of labor in Greece from 2005 to 2010 has been, on average, 25 percent higher than in Germany, according to a recent analysis by Variant Perception, a research firm based in London. (Ireland, Portugal and Spain also have relatively high labor costs.) Quite simply, Greece has had trouble producing goods and services that people want to buy — a result being a persistently high trade deficit that even now, amid the deepest of recessions, has hardly budged.
This pricing distortion helps explain why Greece required a 110 billion euro ($150 billion) bailout last spring in order to keep it from defaulting on its debts. The problem kick-started the financial crisis that is still shaking the euro zone. Seeking to restore competitiveness, Greece, because it is in the euro, cannot devalue its currency and, like other nation’s on the zone’s periphery, has instead had to impose what economists call an “internal devaluation.”
Instead, the difference in labor costs between countries like Greece and Germany is to be closed by sharply reducing public-sector wages — a move that is a hallmark of the Greek government’s reform effort. But improving competitiveness by cutting salaries is not only politically painful, it is also time-consuming.
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